فصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک
سال نوزدهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 71، پاییز 1402)

Despite the change in the factors that promote national power, the place and role of geography and its physical elements on power are still irreplaceable, and for this reason, political actors rely on traditional geopolitical ideas in a new approach to realize national interests. They are determined to study their interests beyond national borders. According to Autotile, the geography of the world is the result of the struggle between rival forces that sought to organize, occupy and rule the space. Imperial systems throughout history have imposed order and meaning on  space in this way (Ó Tuathail,1996:2). From the point of view of neo-realists, the distribution of power as the main axis of international politics is considered to be the cause of change in the regional and international behavior of actors (Mossallanejad, 2008: 242); therefore, the collapse of countries and reconstruction Remaking the political map, which shows the human effort to influence, influence, possess and control the land and other spaces (Mohammadi & et al, 2012:89); It has been constantly telling that the territory [resources of geographical values] is directly related to the existence of the country and its impact on the power of the intervening actors in these areas, in such a way that some interpret the importance of territorialization as equal to the air to breathe. Represent (Ansell & Palma, 2004:2). Bozan's statement that "great powers take for granted the right to seek their interests outside their borders" (Buzan, 2000:5) is a sign of the dynamic nature of territorialism in humans and is currently a part of geopolitical strategy of the great powers and the description of their duties, it includes the areas that they can achieve their major interests with geographical influence and monitoring (Abdi & et al, 2020:9). It brought the concept of territory and territorialization with territorial sovereignty, and highlighted the role of governments as the most important political institution of the international system in order to fulfill human aspirations to other spaces. Therefore, the expression of the International Union of Geography in this regard that the conflict over the territory will be one of the research topics of the political geography of the 21st century (Kavianirad, 2014:47) doubles the importance of a new and more accurate understanding of the act of territorialization of countries.

In this research, the descriptive-analytic method has been used to deal with the issue. Research questions are as follows: first, what factors influence the formation of geopolitical territorialization of countries? Second, basically, how and in what manner the geopolitical territory of countries expands. Data gathering procedure is based on library and field findlings. A questionnaire with 46 questions was designed based on the Likert scale. Finally, regarding the influence of the effective factors and methods in the geopolitical territorialization of the countries, the geopolitical territorialization pattern of the countries is explained by classifying the indicators and variables while determining their effectiveness.

The results indicate that the geopolitical territorialization of countries is in a way of a continuation of traditional geopolitical thoughts that were generally territorial. Therefore, in this direction, parallel to the growth and evolution of political systems, which have the growth of the needs and desires of the governments, the issue of maintaining the interests and national security for the countries has faced a complexity that is different and undoubtedly simple and sensitive. It is more than the past. Therefore, in the struggle to fulfill the wishes of the countries, the position of variables and structural and functional elements of the geographical space on the politics and the power of the actors has also changed, so the countries in the form of protecting the interests and providing national security as the highest goal demanded by the people by drawing and compiling the collection as part of their geopolitical interests, they adopt and implement various geopolitical strategies to achieve national goals. Although according to the developments of the international system, there are still a few countries (Russia with the occupation of Crimea) that fulfill their wishes with the traditional method, but the governments mainly realize their goals and interests in the form of geopolitical territorialization. This has a far more effective, less stressful and less expensive nature.On the other hand, the statistical results show that the variables affecting the geopolitical territorialization of countries do not have the same weight. The analysis of the field findings of this research with the help of statistical tests showed that among the variables of the geopolitical territorialization factors, the role of political factors with an average rank of 73. 2. It has been prioritized that this importance is due to the position of indicators related to the issue of security and national interests of political actors in the competitive arena of the international system. Other economic, military and cultural factors are in the next ranks according to the coefficient of influence on the power component of the countries. Contrary to this issue, in the geopolitical territorialization methods of countries, cultural variables with an average rank of 2.23 have a more colorful role in realizing the territorial goals of countries. It seems that the importance of finding this issue in the strategy of the countries is on the one hand due to the complexity and lack of knowledge of the countries on the nature and functioning of these measures in the expansion of the geopolitical territory and on the other hand due to the slow movement of the cultural methods of territorialization. Compared to other methods, it naturally focuses on less sensitivity and position. It should be mentioned that this method is effective in terms of reducing costs, avoiding conflict and creating tension and reaction. The people of the target geographic space are different from other methods and have a more acceptable situation overall. However, other military, economic and political methods are in the next ranks and according to their complementary role, countries draw their geopolitical territory according to their capacity in a combined manner and within the framework of these components to represent.

In order to explain the pattern of geopolitical territorialization of countries, this research revolves around two issues namely "factors affecting action" and "methods of realizing action". Therefore, in the form of the concept of geopolitics, while defining the related elements and concepts, it was explained that the action of geopolitical territorialization of countries is based on the influence and influence of powerful actors who are able to make maximum use of the physical and structural elements and values of other geographical spaces. Political, economic, military, cultural, etc. are used. On this basis and due to the irreplaceable connection of power with geography and the role of power in resolving challenges and conflicts, the space and geographical territories that have the power sources of basic nature and basic human are always coveted by political actors and are usually tampered with by them. Since the focus of geopolitics is on the control of space and place in order to enhance the geopolitical power and weight and then to use it to reproduce the space to regain power, Sahibnatran considers various variables as the reason and method of action of countries for development. have raised and paid attention to the fact that, generally, due to the cause and method of action, the views were single or multi-variable and limited, and sometimes, as in the past, they focused on the occupation of space in a military manner. Having said that, with the new approach that exists in the planning and policy making of countries to meet their needs and improve their power; We have seen that countries are trying to achieve their goals by knowing their needs and competitors in the framework of the concept of geopolitical territorialization. The way of acting different from the past makes the actions of countries less sensitive. Since the result of geopolitical territorialization is directly related to geopolitical weight, powerful countries both for the extent of their needs to maintain power and for the political, economic, military and cultural capacities they have to influence other geographical spaces in the development. They have been leaders in their geopolitical realm and have a specific geopolitical strategy for each goal. While less capable countries will have a more limited status and less geopolitical territory in terms of goals, mode of action, and sphere of influence. Therefore, according to the lack of importance of the said elements and values on power, the effective variables and indicators in the formation of the territorialization action and the way of action of the countries were determined, and while determining the concrete examples for each variable, the indicators have been approved by the expert statistical community of the research, the weight and importance of the indicators in each component and also the priority of the four components were determined by statistical methods. Finally, the following conceptual model was designed and compiled as the output of the research. Although each group of these geopolitical components affecting the act of territorialization can be examined and studied separately, nevertheless, each of these variables in relation and impact on other components and variables, the expansion of the geopolitical territory. They shape the countries and realize the desired result in a collective function.

Intrduction:

The crisis in Iraq as the result of Ethnic-Religious conflicts, has been one of the oldest crisises in the middle during the 21st century. Some of the researchers argue that lack of integrity among different religious and ethnic groups in Iraq to form a nation state has been the main result of the current crisis. In fact, the Ethnic-Religious conflicts through the current century since 1921, has caused the lack of integrity between different of Ethnic-Religious groups. Regarding this point of view, The dominance of Sunni governers through the 21st century and on the other hand the dominance of shiite governers in Iraq through the post Saddam Era, has been a considerable factor regarding the current conflicts in Iraq. The political dominance for each of the above mentioned governers has brought a sort of deprivation of political stance and power for the other. It has also caused a great deal of reactions in form of movements and ethnical tensions.

The current research has a different approach in comparison to the past ones. There is a focus on the hegemonic role and the political interference by The US while examining the roots for the continuity of the ethnic tensions in Iraq through the 21st century. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytic and the data collection method is based on library resources.

Before the United States invaded Iraq in 2003, the idea historically became prevalent among conservatives that democracies should be able to suppress their enemies with full authority, even by force. According to this view, the creation of a weak democracy can not survive. Thus, the use of force to establish and promote democracy and justice is not only permissible but also necessary. In this context, the most serious threat to democracy is from states that have not embraced democratic values. The neoconservatives believed that a change in autocratic regimes, or, in modern parlance, insurgency, is a desirable means of preserving American democracy and security. These ideas became the basis for the creation of a kind of democracy known as "boot democracy".The occupation of Iraq, the rise of Shiites, the attempts to purge former members of the Ba'ath party of the new government, all led to a radical divergence that fueled and legitimized the Sunni uprising, which was both ideological and sectarian. The Salafi-jihadists, on the other hand, found a common goal with the former Ba'athists and other Islamist and nationalist groups to fight both foreign occupation and the new Shiite authority, which led to the formation of the Islamic State and the subsequent Islamic State of Syria and Iraq. It took the form of a dispute over geographical territory between ethnic and religious groups in Iraq, in general, the rivalry between the Shiite majority and the Sunni minority has been at the center of the dispute over nation-state building since the fall of Saddam. In fact, sectarian tendencies have affected the state-building process and caused insecurity in the country. But the Iraqi government has not made a clear effort to overcome this division and build a common national identity. In fact, some of these measures have led to further secession and a conflicting government. Historically, the separation of Shiites and Sunnis has been driven by disagreement over political, religious, and doctrinal issues, but its modern manifestation has led society to compete for power, resources, geography, and government. It is formed in the form of a system of religious-ethnic representation. These institutionalizations of sectarian identity have led to differences over the status, size, boundaries, and power of each of the two Sunni and Shiite communities. These differences have an unstable effect, especially when they legitimize the violent actions of groups that claim to represent their community.

Different sections of Iraqi society have different memories and historical narratives about what Iraq is and should be. To monitor the country's major divisions, Iraq needs to undertake a fundamental overhaul of the laws that govern the country's current political system. The new political system has been a compromise between the idea that an Iraqi nation exists independently of its sub-communities, and the idea that the Iraqi nation is nothing more than a subset of its sub-communities. The contradictory effects of these two currents have affected the constitutional process and political differences and social dynamics.The dominance of the nationalization paradigm portrayed Iraq as a multicultural society whose communities need to expand an integrated system of government. This is in contrast to the classical notion of nation-building, by a nationalism, integration, and approach that strengthens a center of hegemony and marginalizes shared local identities. Although the constitution does not explicitly state that the distribution of power is based on separate communities, the methods of distributing power in Iraq further validate sectarian identities as a political classification.According to the processes, three scenarios can be imagined for the future of Iraq:The first scenario is to end the crisis and maintain the current political structure won the basis of centralism. Maintaining the current structure of Iraq depends on several conditions. First, the failure of the Islamic State is the most important challenge to the stability and integration of Iraq and its complete withdrawal from Iraq, which current processes indicate the success of this process in the short and long term. The second is to reduce sectarianism and increase Sunni confidence in the Iraqi political structure, which depends on the serious participation of Sunnis in the political structure. In fact, in order to maintain the unified political structure of Iraq, the Sunnis must first have a significant presence in the Iraqi governing branches, in order to eliminate the Sunni perception of being marginalized in the power structure. Second, the Iraqi electoral system must move towards a system of trans-religious-ethnic representation based on factional-intellectual rivalries, as was somewhat shaped in the 2010 national elections. The third is the reform of the constitution and the creation of new mechanisms based on the distribution of income commensurate with the sectors and structures of Iraq. Also, paying more attention to the natives of the officials in the provincial executive bodies can help this process. Fourth is the non-interference of regional powers, including the GCC and Turkey, in Iraq's security efforts, which could, to a large extent, lead to Iraqi political stability as well as sectarian-religious trust. Finally, it seems that in this scenario, the Kurdistan Regional Government will continue to play a role as an autonomous government.The second scenario is the full implementation of federalism in Iraq.The third scenario is the division of Iraq into three climates, Kurdish, Shiite and Sunni, which was re-introduced by the US Congress in 2014 (the plan was proposed in 2007 by Joe Biden).In fact, although the plan to divide Iraq was put forward in the US policy-making system, the United States is not yet pursuing this plan seriously, and the fight against the Islamic State is still a more important priority. Finally, it seems that considering the political processes and the unity of the Shiites with the support of the Islamic Republic of Iran, this scenario is the most unlikely scenario among the three scenarios mentioned.

Regarding the population growth, industry expansion, rising public health and welfare, per capita renewable water resources are declining. Therefore, this commodity, like other economic commodities, is subject to scarcity. The scarcity and unreasonable use of water resources has created serious and significant problems for sustainable development and environmental protection. Lack of water resources poses a serious threat to human health, food security, industrial development and ecological systems. Because water issues are intertwined with the national history and identity of societies and are also part of the national security of governments; Therefore, strategic confrontation with water relations and conflicts will be an intertwined issue for policymakers in this field. Hence, the political, economic, and environmental actors and actors of the Kura-Aras River Basin in the South Caucasus are numerous and diverse on a regional and global scale. The main use of Kura-Aras water is in agricultural Georgia and in Armenia in agriculture-industry and in the Republic of Azerbaijan it is the primary source for drinking water supply; However, this basin is uncontrollably polluted. Due to the lack of monitoring of urban and industrial wastewater, agricultural recurrent flows and widespread use of pesticides, especially in the Republic of Azerbaijan and oil-related industries, metal extraction and smelting in Georgia and Armenia, the natural mechanism of this basin is facing serious challenges.

Actor analysis or stakeholder analysis is the process by which individuals or groups are identified that have the greatest influence on an issue, issue, activity, strategy, or decision. Various methods of actor analysis are widely used in management, policy-making, marketing and futures research. Actor analysis is widely used in environmental management because the issues in this field are very complex and require the involvement of different individuals, groups and organizations. Accordingly, the word actor or beneficiary is used to refer to each of these different beings. The second goal is to identify the position of each actor in relation to goals, priorities or key issues, and to achieve this goal, a two-part matrix is used. Actor analysis using this method consists of 5 interconnected and related steps: defining actors and their main strategies or goals. When using the module methods, the initial inputs required for the analysis must be provided separately. Therefore, defining the main issues and topics (structural analysis), although it is one of the activities that is done in a complete futures research project in the previous stages, but when using the module, this stage is also added to the research stages. It can also be pointed out that the identification of actors (goals, motives, limitations and tools of their action) as well as the identification of the main strategies and goals of each actor can be considered as two separate stages, but because these two stages actually include gathering two sets of data and forming elements of two separate matrices, in this paper, these two activities are considered in one step.

Experts participating in the panel of experts in this study completed interaction matrices in two stages. In strategic foresight, it is more important than identifying future variables to identify the relationships between them; Because in the real world, these variables affect each other and none of them can be analyzed independently. Identifying interactions paves the way for the use of networked and systemic approaches, including the parsing method. To identify the interactions, experts need to know how to fill in the matrix elements and the meaning of each of the positive and negative numbers. This issue was identified by the researchers as a facilitator for experts, and finally the one-part matrix of actor-actor and the two-part matrix of actor-goal were completed. First, the interaction matrix was scored among the actors, which is an indicator of the relative power or influence of the actors on each other. Interactions between actors are asymptomatic matrices (positive or negative) that determine the intensity of the effect of row elements on columnar elements. of the actors on each other is also obtained. Also in the second stage is the actor-target matrix (tasks).In terms of hydropolitical relations between the countries of Kura-Aras catchment, Turkey, Armenia and Georgia had the most influence in this basin, and among them, Turkey had the most influence and Georgia had the least influence, and Iran and Azerbaijan had very high influence and very low influence. Countries upstream of the Kora-Aras catchment. It is important to note that the role of these two actors in the future of the Kora-Aras catchment area is considered to be very important, considering that Turkey and Armenia are simultaneously highly influential and influential. Assessing the power of actors among the actors shows that Turkey and Armenia are the most influential countries in the Aras-Kora catchment area and Iran and Azerbaijan are the most influential countries.

The crisis of water scarcity and its increasing consequences due to increasing consumption, has caused water to play a more fundamental role in directing the socio-political relations of political-spatial units and human structures, especially in arid regions of the world. In such a way that today the issue of water has affected the security and relations of political-space units. A trend that will be more widespread in the countries located in the desert strip of the world with a view to change the pattern of precipitation and reducing rainfall and increasing water consumption in the future. The reflection of the current situation in many common watersheds has led to changes in the hydropolitical relations of political-space units and has strengthened the confrontational and hydro-hegemonic approaches of political-space units. The habitat of this catchment area of Turkey and Armenia has been through improper dam construction, dumping of sewage from power plants and industrial factories, and among these, the Islamic Republic of Iran has the highest environmental impact (human and natural) and the role of Turkey. And Armenia as the main players in the future have the Kora-Aras catchment.

The Indian Ocean, as the third largest ocean in the world, has long been considered by the powers for its geopolitical and global position, and today it has become a competitive arena for the emerging powers. Asia's return to global attention, especially the Indian Ocean, is the result of Asia's increasing share of the global trade, large consumer markets due to large populations, the presence of emerging powers such as India, China and South Korea, the presence of busy waterways and the aggregation of energy fields on the continent. The Indian Ocean has four major waterways for international maritime trade, including the Suez Canal in Egypt, the Bab-el-Mandeb (Djibouti-Yemen border), the Strait of Hormuz (Iran-Oman border) and the Strait of Malacca (Indonesia-Malaysia border), which are important routes in the global petroleum trade. In addition to the geostrategic importance of this ocean and its vastness, one can not ignore the key role of supra-regional powers such as the United States, France and Britain, the military conflicts, the growing rivalry between India and China, the potential of a nuclear confrontation between India and Pakistan and surrounding influential countries. The competition and the economic and military growth of these powers have increased the importance of this region in the international system.The Political behavior of a country in the cross – border and global arena is derived from geopolitics and its goals. Today, the countries of the world are trying to take advantage of geopolitical factors and other factors affecting national power to adopt appropriate policies for comprehensive progress. Given the changes in the international system, Iran, in line with global policies, seeks to redefine politics and explains its regional and international role and position. Undoubtedly, maintaining and promoting such a position is possible only by presenting a new goal and surrendering to a new paradigm, namely access to a regional power. Iran’s transformation into a regional hegemon, of course, not mechanically and physically or purely ideologically, but in a way that can overtake rival powers in the region requires comprehensive planning.

Methodology of  this study is descriptive analytical and required information has been collected through library research . the information gathered from sources such as books,magazines online articles etc.

The policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the context of the past in using the opportunities, benefiting from high capacities and gaining maximum benefits in the North Indian Ocean are of low quality; and due to the existence of great economic powers such as China and Japan and emerging powers such as India, as well as the strong presence of the United States in this region, it has become one of the most important and even challenging indicators for Iran in the North Indian Ocean.

The present research, with the premise of the extensive competition between regional and supra-regional powers in the North Indian Ocean and the performane of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this region, first attempts to explain and analyze the geopolitical role of the North Indian Ocean in formulating policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and then it deals with the various aspects of geopolitical factors in Iran's role in the region. Finally, it provides solutions to improve the performance of the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this important area, namely the North Indian Ocean. In such circumstances, with the elimination of the  mentined challenges, Iran's flexibility and its attention to the global considerations and concerns as well as the globalization of regional governments, it can be expected that Iran, through strategic planning, will pave the way for the country's membership in the regional and supraregional economic unions in the North Indian Ocean in order to play a role in the country's economic development.

Strategists and researchers have devoted more attention to the sea and oceanic environments than to the other types due to former’s environmental properties and the vast area they cover. The differing nature of land and sea has been brought to bear upon the opinion of political leaders and scholars over years. Seas, land, air, space and electromagnetic spectrum constitute crucial dimensions of geopolitics. Theories of seapower have always been debated in the academia and the military. The end of the twentieth century and the early twenty-first century witnessed remarkable transformations in the military, maritime, and national strategies of states, the geopolitics of seas, and the international and economic orders. The seapower of states should therefore be in tandem with these developments. Nowadays, a purely military approach to seapower is not considered consonant with the multiple purposes of states and the national and maritime strategies thereof. A review of the propounded theories of seapower indicates the fact that they were mostly framed as a description of the nature of seapower, as the elements and factors involved, or as a model.

Adopting a descriptive-analytical approach and using meta-analysis, this study attempts to devise a theoretical model that contains the factors and elements involved in a seapower. It will put forth a critique and assessment of the theories in the light of their structure and content. The aim of the present research is foundational and applied. The literature, both old and new, of the maritime has been extensively assessed. Also, the structure and content of theories and models devised in this scope have been reappraised to fit them into today’s development and circumstances. The research will therefore strive to compile and expand the theoretical foundations of seapower, i.e., the elements and factors, and then propose a theoretical and conceptual model through appraising the theories. The data are analyzed by using a deductive and qualitative method. The resulting model can be applied to evaluating and assessing the seapower of states and various geographical areas.

Following an appraisal of the models and theories of seapower, a model of seapower consisting of seven main elements is proposed. They include economic and industrial, military, political and institutional (be it domestic or international), human and societal, geographical and territorial, geopolitical, technological, maritime infrastructure and IT—each one of which further divides into sub-elements. Informed by both subjective and objective factors, these seven elements do interact with each other, which renders isolating them almost impossible; that is to say, seapower is the output of indiscrete items.

How states with seapower behave in the maritime environment during war and peace, either military or non-military, they go on indicate their seapower. Such a capability in the sea should lead to a change in the way the actors in both sea and land behave. The state with seapower can therefore exercise its political will through the sea on other parties involved, which requires both military and non-military instruments. The latter include geographical and geopolitical elements, and political and economic ones, among others.

Territorial disputes including the Palestine issue are rooted in the spread of modern nationalism after the French Revolution based on the doctrine of the right to self-determination, in which each nation has the right and authority to form a nation-state within its territorial boundaries, based on the linguistic, historical, cultural and geographical evidences. Most of the contemporary territorial conflicts including the Palestine issue are not one-dimensional and in most cases have two tangible and symbolic geopolitical dimensions. The tangible aspect refers to the disputed objective element like existing land and its symbolic aspect indicates the identity disputes, the sense of belonging religious or racial groups to a land or their belief in the ownership of land by historical claims. Therefore, Palestinian peace proposals need to concentrate on hard or tangible and soft or symbolic geopolitical elements and challenges involved in the conflict. The last peace plans have failed to address these geopolitical features suitably and efficiently which have led to their failure. "Deal of century" as the last peace proposal which was made by U.S former administration have failed to address tangible and symbolic geopolitical challenges of Palestinian issue and is unable to make balanced and lasting recommendations on Palestinian geopolitical challenges.

The current research is qualitative, its approach is descriptive-analytic and it has used documentary research method in order to collect library data. In this regard, the authors have tried to use Persian, Arabic and Latin articles and books. In addition, we have utilized valid and related documents especially "Deal of century" Document which has been published by the U.S Department of State. After collecting data and categorizing them, the authors have attempted to analyze data based on the theory-based analysis method and used modern or critical geopolitical approach to explain the geopolitical challenges of the Palestinian peace plans with emphasis on "Deal of Century".

The findings of the research have been discussed in the three section. In the first section, we concentrate on the geopolitical importance of Palestine in both tangible and symbolic aspects. In the second part, the authors will explain geopolitical challenges of the previous peace proposals like Camp David Accords within the two main tangible and symbolic categories. In the last section, the article attempts to bring out the most significant geopolitical challenges of "Deal of century" which may lead to its failure.

Ignoring geopolitical components and challenges involved in the Palestinian disputes can be considered as the main and prominent feature of "Deal of century". This proposal pursues three main goals: Changing peace paradigm in favor of Israel, Marginalizing Palestinian forces in the conflict and ignoring the rights of the Palestinians and Changing US macro approach to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.In short, the most significant geopolitical challenges of "Deal of century" are: the failure of Palestinians to form a unified state with active sovereignty, the territorial division of the Palestinian state (even if it will be established), a completely unilateralist approach to supporting Israel, the ignorance of symbolic importance of Jerusalem for Muslims, the full granting of Jerusalem sovereignty to the Zionist regime, denial of Palestinian's right to return to their homeland as an authorized right of Security Council resolutions, paving the way for continuation of the Zionist regime's long-term settlement policy, deepening and intensifying border divisions, accelerating water disputes and hydro political conflicts in East Shamat and with neighbors, especially Syria and Jordan and marginalizing the Palestinian resistance. Therefore, this proposal is unable to address these tangible and symbolic challenges of the Palestinian issue efficiently and has failed to make progress in the way of reaching a lasting and beneficial solution for the conflict. Unity or divergence of Islamic states over the Palestinian issue and their support for the formation of an independent and unified Palestinian state, compromise or resistance approach of neighboring states, especially Egypt, Syria and Jordan, US support for Israel and united position of the Palestinian forces especially Fatah and Hamas can be named as the main and most significant geopolitical factors influencing the success or failure of Palestinian peace proposals including "Deal of century".

Basically, after the Cold War, the two major trends of diffusion of power and transition of power dominated international politics. From 1991 onwards, with the rise of international actors and their role in international developments, power shifted from the state to non-state actors, and with ascendance of economic, military, and political countries such as Brazil, China, India, Russia, and South Africa, the possibility of transition in the international hegemonic order was created. One of the most important consequences of these two trends is the regionalization of order and the increase of regional interactions in global politics. With the regionalization of order, the international system is known with the emergence of regional hegemons, the escalation of regional conflicts, regional arms races, and tensions, especially in fragile regions. This study seeks to examine Russia's strategy as an emerging revitalized power in the Middle East. Therefore the main question of the research is about the strategic principles and foundations of Russia's foreign policy in the Middle East? In response to this question and considering the principle of explaining strategies based on interests in the framework of power and assumption derived strategies from preferences and achieving foreign policy goals with specific tools, this hypothesis expressed that Russia regard experience of power changes in the international system, try have to retrieval position and role in the international system, accordingly, due to the hegemonic of international construction, intervention in neighboring regions, especially in the former Soviet-dominated regions, in the hierarchy of goals of definition and role-playing and intervention in regions due to regionalization of the international system order is a foreign policy priority, and since the Middle East is one of the important regions in the international system, becomes an important area in Russian foreign policy, and Russia's strategies in this area are based on the circumstances and source of threat, and include a set of strategies; Local multilateralism strategies in the face of regional systemic crises, competitive strategies in the face of emerging rivals in the region, tension and reaction severe strategies in the face of threats hegemon and its allies, and coalition strategies with regional actors.

The research tries to explain Russia's foreign policy strategies in the Middle East with a realistic approach and focuses on the power cycle theory and case study method.

Basically, in international politics, power determines the strategies of the actors in the international system. This principle implies the degrees of power, determine, interests, strategies, and behaviors of the actors in the international system. Thus the causal link between the distribution of power and the nature of the international system is purely systemic. Therefore, the strategies of the actors are adjusted according to their power and position in the hierarchy of power in the international system. With the rise and fall of actors in the international system, the gap between role and power emerges to reason the time-consuming process of setting roles and missions. The gap between role and power is created when an actor imagines that action is not proportionate with relative power in the international system. Usually, during power changes, a large gap formed between power and the role of the actors.According to these discussions, Russia's foreign policy strategies after the collapse of the Soviet Union can be classified into separate periods. These periods differed from each other as far as the priority to geographical areas, the goals and the choice of tactics, the scope of the resources that were available to the Russians and its ability to achieve internal stability. By restoring power in the international system and having sufficient resources, neo-imperialist tendencies increase and Russia tries to design new strategies following its power and role in the international system. In general, Russia's strategies in the Middle East are derived from its foreign policy principles and are designed according to national interests, its peripheral threats and environmental conditions, and variables from local multilateralism in the face of systemic crises to competitive strategies and tensions with rivals and hegemon. In other words, Russia is interested of strategic diversity in the Middle East, with attention to its peripheral interests and threats.

The argument here underscores the idea that Russia has a type of grand (strategic) behavior in world affairs, in which the Middle East region is only one – not necessarily the most important – element. The grand strategic behavior is the most visible element of Russia's foreign policy. Russia's actions in the Middle East could be viewed functionally as a type of grand behavior. Russia is constantly trying to improve its political, military, and economic interests in the region while reducing the advantages and strategic superiority of its potential rivals. Therefore, Russia's foreign policy strategies in the region based on interests, goals, and existing threats, are diverse and include a set of local multilateralism strategies, competitive strategies with emerging powers in the region, tension strategies with the hegemon, and Coalition strategies with regional actors.

By understanding the structure of the states, it is highly likely to analyze, examine and even it is possible to predict the behavior and direction of their foreign policies. The present paper will shed light on the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran during both terms of Hassan Rouhani’s administrations. Theoretically, the article has been based upon the Discourse Analysis. Generally, as Hassan Rouhani came to power, a new political discourse had taken shape in Iran since 2013. With this said, the main question of the article is this, “what are the implications and objects of the transition from the Justice-oriented discourse of Ahmadinejad’s administration to the Moderation discourse of Rouhani for the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy?” The findings of the article illustrate that the moderate standpoint of the president Rouhani’s administrations had resulted in following a constructive and effective interaction with the regional and trans-regional countries which was in fact a goal to improve and enhance the relations of the country with others. The article uses a descriptive-analytic mixed method in order to examine the hypothesis that has been fabricated to answer the question. Furthermore, it had also resulted in a replacement in the country’s point of view which had been based on the relations that emphasized on interaction and understanding against the opposition and offensive relations.

This research method is descriptive-analytic, and the data gathering procedure is based on library findings. In order to diversify the research literature, this article employs a variety of literature and data in Persian and English.

The structure and semantic structure of a state has always played an important role in its foreign policy. Rouhani's administrations behavior and foreign policy can be researched considering the discourse of moderation and its fundamental differences with the discourse of Ahmadinejad's administration. The justice-centered discourse with the central sign of justice tried to revive the role of justice in global developments and by challenging the (in his opinion) unfair practices of the international system, help the process of balancing right and wrong in the field of international politics. Therefore, by emphasizing and knowing the right of his religious and revolutionary beliefs, he brings an aggressive and confrontational approach to the field of foreign policy for the Islamic Republic. The result of such a system of meaning for Iran in the field of foreign policy is a return to revolutionary principles in foreign policy, referring the Iranian nuclear case to the Security Council and issuing multiple resolutions and sanctioning Iran, enmity with the United States and the Zionist regime, supporting the freedom movement and activities. The section looks to the East to replace the West, looking south-south to form a new anti-imperialist front on the one hand and close to the private life of America on the other.On the other hand, Hassan Rouhani came to power with the promise of improving foreign relations through effective and constructive interaction with the international system. The system and structure of the meaning of his government was based on the substantive meaning of his words, speech and language, the discourse of moderation. A discourse that, based on its central sign, tries to establish a kind of balance between idealism and realism. The fundamental elements of moderation discourse based on; There are rationalism, realism, evolutionism, interactionism, justiceism, perfectionism, multilateralism, developmentism, securityism, dignityism and pacifism. Based on this, the foreign policy principles of this adminstration are explained and designed based on the effective and constructive interaction with the international system, de-escalation and the cost-benefit approach, and the result of this in the field of foreign policy for the Islamic Republic is the improvement and expansion of relations with the countries of the region and It is an international system.

Based on its semantic structure and system, moderation discourse has paid attention to the effective and thorough interaction with the regional and global system as the fundamental principles of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic during the Hassan Rouhani period. One of the approaches of such a belief is the withdrawal of Iran's case from the Security Council through the resolution of the nuclear issue by implementing the JCPOA agreement, the international system's trust in the Islamic Republic as a wise back player, and also the improvement and expansion of Iran's relations with the countries of the region and the Islamic Republic. International pointed out.In this research, assuming the effect of the semantic system on the formulation and operationalization of actors' behavior, we tried to analyze the discourse of the Ahmadinejad and Rouhani administrations, and then pointed out how the discourse of moderation affects the foreign policy of Hassan Rouhani's administration. Based on what was mentioned, the behavior of the Rouhani government is based on the central sign of the discourse of moderation, which is to establish a balance between the foreign policy goals in the field of Islamic interests and national interests on the one hand, and a balance between the foreign policy goals and tools between the elements of national power in the development of foreign relations. And the structure of foreign policy, we will expand and improve the relations of the Islamic Republic with the countries of the region and the international system.

Today, water is considered as a way of survival and gaining power. The upstream countries of the international rivers are thinking about managing the water that comes out of their soil, as the GAP project in Turkiye is an example. The present study seeks to answer the question of what is the role of the GAP project in the hydropolitics of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and what is Turkiye’s strategy for the implementation of this project? The results of the present study, based on the theoretical approach of hydraulicity, show that Turkiye, as a hydro-hegemonic country upstream of the Tigris and Euphrates transboundary rivers, has adopted a unilateral (self-interpretive) strategy in the pattern of hydropolitical relations with other watersheds in the basin. Therefore, strengthening water diplomacy with a conciliatory approach in the hydropolitical relations of the countries of the region, changing the military and security attitude to the Tigris and Euphrates rivers to an interactive and cooperative attitude, reforming and developing the hydropolitical relations of the basin countries for bilateral or multilateral negotiations are important.

Iran and Saudi Arabia relations is always fluctuating. The two countries are recognized as a regional power in the Middle East and are in competition. This competition is due to mutual concerns about the structure of the international system and the internal environment originates. A power vacuum has been created in the last decade, has increased competition between the two countries.The two countries have structural tensions. Both countries aspire to lead the Islamic world and also have regional hegemony. Iran views Saudi Arabia as the US representative in the region, which has deprived it access to its rights. Saudi Arabia is also concerned about Iran's asymmetric power and regional and nuclear ambitions, especially its strong presence in Iraq, one of the main actors, rival in Syria, Yemen (Direct conflict with the Houthis), influential in Lebanon and Palestine. In fact, Saudi Arabia is concerned about Iran's activities because Iran has the tools and ability to challenge Saudi Arabia against domestic and foreign rivals. The main question of this article: What are the reasons for concern between Iran and Saudi Arabia? The hypothesis tested in response to this question is that identity contradiction, political-security conflicts, and regional rivalry are sources of mutual concern that have led them to pursue offensive, competitive, and in some cases hostile foreign policies.

The present study is a qualitative research with a descriptive-analytic approach and the method of collecting information is library-documentary. In the collection section, library resources are used in both domestic and foreign sections.

To understand the sources of mutual concern between the two countries, it is necessary to carefully evaluate their foreign policy and their relations. In general, Iran's foreign policy goals include: promoting the political values and interests of leaders and friendly groups, exporting Shiite Islam Revolutionary, denying domination, oppression, supporting liberation movements, religious democracy and exporting it to other Islamic countries, fighting against religious extremism, promoting the culture of defending the Palestinian cause. Saudi Foreign Policy goals are: balance of power, leadership of the Islamic World, dealing with movements and revolutions, maintaining unpopular and unelected Arab governments in the Middle East and North Africa, wxporting Wahhabi religion among the countries of the region.

The sources of concern on both sides are rooted in identity, political-security conflicts that have created rivalry between the two sides. The rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran is largely, but not exclusively, geopolitical in nature. A clear sectarian dimension also contributes to the escalation of the conflict. Internal factors also play an important role in any country, but the main reason for this competition is usually the external environment and proxy competition. When the regional environment is calm and competition is reduced, the two sides do not allow conflicts to escalate and thus create tension. These contradictions are often used as a tool for external competition. The resulting competition poses significant risks that could increase in the future. These risks include the effects of overflows (such as immigration and terrorism), escalating tensions and violent conflict in the Middle East (intensified by competition), pressure to develop nuclear weapons and long-range missiles, and increasing volatility in the global oil market, all of which are of concern. The two countries should consider ways to reduce tensions, if not resolve, through smart initiatives in areas of immediate friction (such as Yemen and Iraq, Syria, Bahrain) substrates that may cause friction and military conflict. These initiatives could include confidence-building measures and the promotion of regional cooperation in the areas of trade, economic development and environmental concerns. The region needs a stable order, and this order is tied to Iran-Saudi Arabia relations.Preventive efforts that can minimize new and potentially dangerous ways of competition and, more broadly, promote stability in the Persian Gulf region would include:Provide positive incentives to encourage responsible Iranian behavior, especially given its support for Lebanon's Hezbollah and Bashar Assad regime in Syria, as well as Saudi Arabia's renunciation of Wahhabi and Salafi movementsProgress and resumption of peace talks in Yemen. Although Iran and Saudi Arabia are currently in the process of negotiating peace and reducing tensions, these efforts are not enough to reduce tensionsEncourage international law to moderate potentially dangerous Saudi-Iranian interactions in air and naval activities, ballistic missile development, cyber-intervention, political and intelligence warfare, and religious events such as the HajjPromote regional institutionalization and participatory activities in areas of common concern, such as resource management, environmental degradation, and regional infrastructure developmentThe participation of key international actors, such as the United Nations, as well as major powers with growing interest in the Gulf region, such as encouraging China and India to contribute to regional stability.

Competition, conflict, and confrontation between the great powers in some parts of the world, which are of considerable strategic importance in terms of geopolitics and geo-economics, are among the salient features of the international system. So that usual in the occurrence of crises in regions and countries that have such characteristics, the effective hand, and role of great powers can be seen in the creation, extension, and management of crises. Ukraine is one of those countries that has always been influenced and competed by Russia and the West due to its unique characteristics. But the competition and confrontation between Russia and the West (the European Union, the United States, and its executive arm NATO) have escalated significantly since the Soviet collapse and Ukraine's independence. Because on the one hand, Ukraine has always been in the spotlight for Russia due to geopolitical, geostrategic, geoeconomic position, as well as its historical, cultural, racial, linguistic, and religious ties with Russian society. On the other hand, from the very beginning of the independence of the former Soviet republics, Western governments and institutions pursued expansionist policies in Eastern Europe, and due to the post-collapse turmoil, tried to membership of Eastern European countries in Western institutions, countries of the region, especially countries located in the Near Abroad region to align with themselves and In this way to prevent regional influence and Russia's use of the position and characteristics of these countries in order to regain lost power. In the meantime, the duo to Ukraine's neighborhood with Russia and its geopolitical, and geo-economic importance, as well as its strong desire to move westward after independence provided an opportunity for the West to accelerate the process of Russia's geopolitical siege, thereby preventing Russia from regaining power. Therefore, these conflicting goals and power struggles have caused Ukraine to always be the scene of competition and confrontation between the West and Russia after independence and to witness serious conflicts and political-security crises such as the events of the 2004 orange revolution, the 2006 blue revolution, and the crises of 2014 and 2022. Therefore, the main purpose of this article is to use the approach of offensive realism to answer the question of what is the importance of Ukraine for Russia and the West, which has always been the scene of competition and confrontation between Russia and the West after independence?

The research method in this article is qualitative which with a descriptive-analytical approach has answered the main question of this article in the conceptual context of the theory of offensive realism. Authors to answer the main question, while describing and analyzing the reasons for the importance of the Near Abroad region in general and the reasons for the importance of Ukraine for the conflicting goals of Russia and the West in particular, Ukraine's western policies have also been analyzed and in this way, we have explained the role of this importance and Ukraine's western policies in the competition and confrontation between Russia and the West in Ukraine. For data collection, reference has been to library resources, including books, articles, theses, documents, and authoritative Internet sources. The data collection tool has been also taking notes.

Ukraine is one of those countries that, due to its unique characteristics, has always been influenced and victimized by Power competitions between different countries and has never been able to determine its own destiny independently. In the 14th and 16th centuries, Ukraine became the scene of competition between Polish and Lithuania. Then in the 17th century, it became a sphere of influence between Russia and the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, which continued until the end of the 18th century which Austria replaced the Polish in the western regions of Ukraine. The domination lasted until the end of World War I. With the formation of the Soviet Union and Ukraine's membership in the Union, the country once again became an area of Soviet influence on the one hand and Poland on the other. With the start of World War II, Ukraine was not spared from the fire and was occupied and destroyed by the Nazis. During the Cold War, it was versus the Western bloc due to its membership in the Eastern bloc. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukraine finally gained its independence; but because of its special position and importance for the conflicting strategic goals of Russia and the West, from then until now have always been the scene of serious competition and confrontation between the West and Russia and various political-security crises. According to the offensive realism approach, the ultimate goal of the great powers is to achieve hegemony, and they try to achieve this goal by maximizing power and preventing rival powers from gaining power. Accordingly, Russia's strategic goal since the collapse of the Soviet Union has been to return to the greatness of the Soviet era and regain lost power, and to achieve this goal it has sought to take advantage of republics in the Near Abroad region. Ukraine is one of these republics that the best way possible can bring Russia closer to this goal due to its identity, geopolitical, geoeconomic, and economic characteristics. On the other hand, the West's understanding of this capability has led the West, especially the United States, as the current hegemon, to make every effort to prevent Russia from regaining power and Reaching the position of hegemony and A rival for this country, to get this country out of Russian influence and put it on its front to prevent Russia from achieving its strategic goal. In this regard, Ukraine's western policies since the collapse of the Soviet Union and its independence have also helped the West to get closer to this goal. Therefore, the findings of the article show that the importance of Ukraine's identity, geopolitics, geo-economics, and economics in achieving the conflicting strategic goals of Russia (regaining power and returning to the greatness of the former Soviet Union) and the West (preventing Russia from regaining power), as well as Ukraine's western policies have caused this country to after independence, always be the scene of competition and confrontation between the West and Russia, and to witness serious conflicts and various political-security crises such as the events of the 2004 orange revolution, the 2006 blue revolution, and the crises of 2014 and 2022.

With the victory of the Young Turk's Revolution in 1908, the central issue of Turkish political and intellectual circles was the idea of preserving the Ottoman Empire and preventing its political decay. Three ideas of Pan Islamism , Ottomanism and Pan Turkism were introduced in the Ottoman society during this period. Due to the successive defeats of the Ottoman Caliphate in the Balkans and the coup d'etat of the Young Turk extremists, leading by Talaat Pasha, Jamal Pasha and Enver Pasha, the first two ideas were rejected by the political elite and the third idea, Pan Turkism or pan Turanism, was chosen. This idea, which was rooted in the theories of the Tatars who were under the rule of the Tsarist Russian Empire, Orientalists and Western ethnologists and the new generation of educated elites, was able to use the institution of modern state for transforming dimensions such as ethnicity, language, mythology and the fatherland, the national economy, and the secular education system -which was tasked with reproducing the previous elements- to invent a new tradition and identity for the new borders of Contemporary Turkey. Despite the destruction and dissolution of the Ottomans in 1924, the violent transition from a multinational empire to a Turkish nation-state had been started by the young turks reforms.

The method used in this research is based on qualitative analysis according to its historical and epistemological approach; Qualitative studies try to interpret the motivations, relations and rules between the people and the considered institutions by referring to historical facts beyond the theories that have a backward approach to the phenomena. Also, research data has been collected by referring to library sources and documents that correspond to historical topics.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire reached its ultimate weakness during the reign of Sultan Abdulhamid II. At this time, three ideas of Pan Islamism, Ottomanism and Pan Turkism were proposed in order to overcome the crisis of the empire. In such a situation, a group of political elites known as the Young Turks -who were members of the C.U.P or Committee of Union and Progress- came to power in 1908 with the overthrow of Sultan Abdulhamid II in order to prevent the collapse of the empire. Among this group, there were two different intellectual trends; The first was the Liberal branch, which was influenced by the United States of America's nation-building model and tried to form a federal state while maintaining the equal rights of the imperial minorities. The latter was radical branch who were influenced by the romantic nationalism school of Germany and France and seeking the way of empire survival in building a powerful central state in which the Turks would have the upper hand. Until 1913, the liberal branch of the Young Turks dominated on affairs, but they failed to implement their idea of Ottomanism. Also, the Ottoman military defeats against Italy (1911) and the Balkan Union (1912) caused the loss of the European and African parts of the empire's territory, and a suitable platform was provided for the presence of the radical movement of Young Turks through a coup d'état at the head of affairs. The new government was led by Talat Pasha, Jamal Pasha and Anwar Pasha came to power. Considering the difficulty and improbability of realizing the ideas of Pan Islamism and Ottomanism in the new territory, this group started the invention of tradition in form of Pan Turkism ideology, in Hobsbawm's interpretation. The intellectual contexts of Pan Turkism were first formed by a group of Tatars from Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Balkans in response to the forced nation-building policies of Tsarist Russia and cultural resistance against it, then through European orientalists and Turkish intellectuals. Turk became popular in scientific and political circles. Therefore according to the new borders and the dominant ethnicity of the Ottoman Empire (Turks), a new identity was created in domains such as language, ethnicity, mythology, economy and secular education system, which continued during the Republic of Turkey.

Concolusions:

In this article, we tried to describe the situation of Ottoman Empire in the early 20th century until its decay and show how the political elites Committee of Union and Progress and then the Republic of Turkey invented a new identity for the new Turk country. By revolution of the Young Turks in 1908 and continuing military defeats suffered by the empire in 1911 and 1912, the Turkish political elites decided to advance a nation-building project in accordance with the new borders of the Caliphate. In this period, the three ideas of Pan Islamism, Ottomanism and Pan Turkism were prevalent between the intellectuals. But due to the limitation of the empire's territory to the current Turkey, the first two ideas- Pan Islamism and Ottomanism- were abandoned and from 1913 the Young Turks decided to elect the idea of Pan Turkism. This idea was manifested with the help of the State in the five levels of language, ethnicity, myth making, national economy and secular education -as a reproducer of the first four elements- and helped the political elites to create a new nation according to the new borders of the Ottoman Empire. After the Young Turks, these social engineerings were continued in the Republic of Turkey by Ataturk and a modern identity was invented for new Turkey.

Despite the importance and global status of the Persian Gulf region and the Strait of Hormuz, the negative effects of geopolitical and geo-economics issues and limitations have affected the interests of the oil-rich countries of this region and their Western partners, politically and economically. Among these issues is the geopolitical impasse of the Persian Gulf region and the governance-security conditions of the Strait of Hormuz, which necessitates the passage of commercial paths from this source through the Suez Canal or Cape of Good Hope in Africa; In addition to imposing time and economic costs, it has also imposed some considerations and costs, especially in the political and security dimensions, for regional and extra-regional countries. This is where the role and position of identifying the geopolitical codes of neighboring countries in the Persian Gulf region become doubly important. In this regard, countries would achieve geopolitical and geo-economics superiority through the definition and implementation of appropriate plans, while influencing the interests of their neighbors and even creating dependence for them. On this basis, during the last few decades, the countries of the Persian Gulf region have made great efforts to identify and use the effects of the geopolitical impasse of this region and to prevent the negative effects of the neighbors' activities in this area. practical solutions have been implemented; among them, we can impose the eight-year war on Iran and the occupation of Kuwait by the Iraqi Baath regime, the construction of energy transmission lines from the oil resources of the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea by Saudi Arabia, or the connection of the UAE and Saudi railway lines Through Jordan, to the occupied lands of Palestine and the Mediterranean Sea.

In terms of modality, this research is an applied, and in terms of research methodology is descriptive-analytic. In some parts of this research, according to the field aspect, proof methods have used. The research sample is the elites, experts, experts in the field of geopolitics who have at least a master's degree and have a history of field observation of the project and aristocracy on the subject, related documents and documents, spatial maps, books, and articles.

The Republic of Iraq, as one of the largest owners of energy resources in the West Asia, has a very small share of the geopolitical foundations of the Persian Gulf region. For this reason, the relations, and economic activities of this country through the seas heavily influenced by other regional countries. However, with the implementation of the "Faw Grand Port" project, Iraq will become one of the international trade gateways and this port, as the largest port in the Persian Gulf, will connect the sea trade routes of the Asia to the European ports without passing the Suez Canal or the Cape of Good Hope, throughout the Syria and Turkey. This port, while having the advantage of saving time and reducing transportation costs, will solve a significant part of Iraq's geopolitical problems that arise from limited access to Persian Gulf and legal restrictions arising from the Talog line.Completing the implementation phases of this plan will bring various positive effects and benefits to the Iraq. After the removal of sanctions and political economic openings, Iraq's desire to implement this project increased; In addition, factors such as the increase in population to more than 30 million people, the destruction of the country's infrastructure due to the occurrence of three devastating wars between 1980 and 2003, and the backwardness of this country in all economic, military and political fields due to the war with ISIS and The stability resulting from this security phenomenon has played a significant role in increasing the motivation of the Iraqi authorities to implement this plan.Faw Grand Port will be the biggest positive economic development in the history of Iraq. According to the statements of some Iraqi officials, this country will occupy the first place in the trade of the region and the sixth place in the world. This port will make Iraq free from the oil-based incomes; and will provide Iraq with an income equal to three times the current oil income. Undoubtedly, the completion of this project, due to Iraq's exit from the geographical deadlock, will solve a major part of the country's geopolitical concerns. With the implementation of this port, Iraqi portswill be safe from the problem caused by the low water depth and the treaties related to the Talog line.With the entry of this project into the exploitation phase, the status of Iraq will improve outside the borders; and with international assemblies and organizations. Also, it is very likely that the country will be able to become a member of many of these influential global economic assemblies and agreements. The most obvious example of this change will be in the GCC, the increase of influence and bargaining power of Iraq. By taking advantage of the transit cooperation opportunity with Turkey, there is also the option that Iraq would use Turkey's oil infrastructure to export as much energy to the European markets as possible instead of using the Suez Canal and Cape Good Hope routes. This, in turn, would increase Iraq's oil revenues and strengthen the country's position in the world's economic and oil forums-- especially OPEC.With the emergence of Faw Grand Port as a new option for international transportation, which naturally leads to the promotion of the transit and commercial importance of the strategic Strait of Hormuz, Iran's regional influence and control power in this geographical area will also increase. This means that the establishment of this port will also bring challenges to the region; and will intensify the regional competition between the member states of the GCC and Iran. In this way, the field of intensifying the competitive actions of this category of regional rivals of Iran and even the possible formation of military alliances and the participation of extra-regional forces in the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz will intensify. Of course, with the completion of the Grand port of Faw project, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, who were seeking completion the railway known as PEACE to "reducing dependence to the Strait of Hormuz; will find a new option.The weakening of Egypt's international position resulting from decreasing role of the Suez Canal and the consequent negative economic effects, will also be among the consequences of Iraq's increasing role in the field of international transit. In this way, it seems that Cairo is to take a negative approach towards this plan; and as a result, the competition between Baghdad and Cairo will intensified. The occurrence of these conditions, in turn, would cause the sensitivity and mobility of the allies of these two Arab capitals.The completion of this port in the Persian Gulf, will arouse the sensitivities of the United States due to the rich benefits it will bring to East Asian countries-- especially China. The competition of USA and PRC as two economic powers of the world, which is currently being pursued through mutual economic actions reactions, and the display of US military power in the Pacific region-- specifically in the South China Sea, and China's efforts to attract the cooperation of the Gulf countries on the other hand; It will lead to the intensification of the competition between this two countries in the Persian Gulf.Regarding Europe's view of this project, it should be said that, the approach of the Green Continent countries and especially the NATOs European members towards this project will be accompanied by considerations; Because Iraq has long been one of the Russians favorite countries, and Russia's influence in this country and the experience of the joint approaches of Moscow and Ankara in the last few years towards some issues related to Europe and the United States, along with the chronic insecurity of Iraq and the activities of terrorist groups from Among the considerations that can lead to the uncertainty of European capitals to use this new transit route.The effects of this project on Turkey will be dual and contradictory; On the one hand, this project has affected the transit route from West to East Asia, which is supposed to connect Europe to China through Turkey and the countries of the Caspian basin, with the initiative of Turkey and under the title "Blue Lapis Lazuli Project". It will strengthen the economy and improve Turkey's position in the field of international transit; For this reason, it follows that Turkey's cooperation process with this plan will probably be slow and accompanied by occasional demands from Baghdad, especially in matters related to Iran and the Iraqi Kurdistan region.

The results of the article show the deep impact of the completion of Faw Grand Port on the Persian Gulf. The most important regional effect of this plan after improving the status of Iraq will be an increase in the geopolitical importance of the Strait of Hormuz and the Persian Gulf. The occurrence of this situation will in turn create certain political and security considerations for extra-regional countries, to reconsider their interactions and actions in this region-- especially the United States. Also, due to the creation of a new geopolitical value in the region, with the development of the Grand Faw port, long-term and strategic negative effects in the field of port-economy and transit will be directed at Iraq's neighboring countries- especially Iran. However, at the same time as Iraq exploits this plan Iran's sovereign role will also be strengthened due to the promotion of the importance of the Strait of Hormuz and the Persian Gulf in the international arena and due to the aristocracy to this strait.